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Showing posts with label Adelsverein Trilogy. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Adelsverein Trilogy. Show all posts

Monday, April 23, 2012

True to the Union – Civil War in the Hill Country of Texas By Celia Hayes

Welcome back to History Undressed, guest author, Celia Hayes! Today she's sharing with us some history on the Civial War and Texas. Enjoy!


True to the Union – Civil War in the Hill Country of Texas
 By Celia Hayes

“…From ancient grudge break to new mutiny,
Where civil blood makes civil hands unclean…”

It’s a little-known fact – even in Texas – that the Civil War was fought in miniature in the Hill Country, even as it was fought bitterly in the east between the Union and the Confederacy. During the 1850s the fissure between free-soil men and slave-owners hardened among communities in Texas, mimicking the split between North and South. Abolitionist feelings were especially strong in Gillespie County – the German-settled areas around Fredericksburg, Comfort and New Braunfels. This was the high country, the frontier, the less-good land of hard-working farmers and small cattle ranches. Most were solidly opposed to chattel slavery. The Germans might have settled in Texas relatively recently, but they were a cohesive block; they had put down roots, knew their rights and were prepared to insist on them.

When the war began in earnest, barely a handful of men had volunteered out of Gillespie County for the Confederate Army, although there were recruits a-plenty for the Home Guard, and for the Frontier Battalion, and for locally-recruited ranging companies to defend against Indian raiders sweeping in from the west and from the Plains. By the second year of fighting, the battles back east had burned through those first volunteers for the Confederate cause. Early in 1862 the Confederate Congress drafted and passed a general conscription law, essentially declaring that every white male between the age of eighteen and thirty-five were liable for military service. Texas followed suit. Of course there were exemptions: wealthy men could hire a substitute, and there were also exemptions for elected officials, and for men who owned more than a certain number of slaves. This last was particularly galling. Nothing was more calculated to prove the truth of the bitter observation that it was a rich mans’ war but a poor mans’ fight.

Resistance was instant and furious in those communities which had not been enthusiastic about secession to begin with. In the Hill Country, feelings about the draft were doubly bitter.  A motivation for emigrating from Germany in the first place had been the existence of conscription there. To be forced to fight in the defense of an institution they despised, and for a political body whose very existence they had opposed was an insult past bearing. And finally, it was still the frontier. Fighting off war-parties of Indians was much more of an immediate concern.

By that summer the military governor of Texas essentially declared war on the Hill Country. Gillespie and neighboring Kerr County were put under martial law. All males over the age of 16 were ordered to register with the local provost marshal and take an oath of allegiance to the Confederacy.  Suspicion followed by repression only bred resentment and further defiance, which in turn bred violence and resistance. Men of draft began hiding out in the brush whenever anyone in a uniform came around.  Even companies of volunteers raised to protect against Indian raids and freelance brigandage were looked upon by suspicion; it was whispered that they only volunteered for frontier defense in order to keep out of the Confederate Army. A company of so-called Partisan Rangers, under the command of Captain James Duff, who had been a freight-hauler and wagon-master before the war, were sent to keep order. He was soon established as the most hated man in the county, arresting a local merchant for supposedly refusing to accept Confederate currency and others on suspicion of treason and sedition.

By summer, Duff ordered the arrest of any man who had not made the difficult journey into town to take the loyalty oath. In a sweep of a thinly-settled area north of Kerrville, his troopers arrested half a dozen men who had failed to do so, along with their families. The families were sent to Fredericksburg, to be held under appalling conditions in a cramped one-room hut, but the six men were sent under guard to Fort Mason, where a number of other suspected Union sympathizers were held. During an overnight camp, two of the younger men saw that their guards were sleeping, and slipped away. The next morning, the frustrated guards simply hanged the four others and dumped their bodies into a nearby creek. On returning to Fredericksburg, the guards taunted the families of the men they had murdered with accounts of what had been done.

Duff’s rangers continued waging a savage campaign against the local settlers: flogging men they had arrested until they told his troopers what they wanted to hear, wrecking hard-built homes, arresting whole families and confiscating foodstuffs and livestock. After burning her home to the ground, one woman told Duff that he must have little enough to do, since he had left her and her children without any shelter at all. Captain Duff answered that at least, he was leaving her a spring of water, to which she shouted fearlessly that if he had known how to destroy it, he surely would have done so.

In late summer, a party of sixty men gathered south of Kerrville, led by a German settler from Comfort named Fritz Tegener. They thought they had had been offered a thirty-day amnesty by the Governor of Texas and that they had an opportunity to depart Texas unmolested, rather than take the loyalty oath. They planned to travel westward towards the Mexican border; as many intended to (and later did) join the Union Army. But there was no such amnesty in effect; they were pursued and ambushed by Duff’s troopers on the Nueces River. Half of Tegener’s party was killed outright and another twenty wounded were executed upon capture. One was taken to San Antonio and executed there. The survivors scattered; some fled over the border, and others returned home, where their families brought food to them as they hid in the fields. Captain Duff refused to allow the families of the dead to retrieve the bodies.

Having made it clear who was boss, Duff and his company were withdrawn late in the autumn of 1863. They left smoking rubble and several decades’ worth of hatred and distrust in their wake. On his departure, a scratch company of local men - pro-Union and Confederate - were recruited by a Fredericksburg merchant; Major James Hunter. It helped that a fresh outburst of Indian raids effectively re-directed everyone’s priorities towards meeting a more immediate threat. Hunter proved effective: he was respected by all, trusted by the Germans, and sensibly confined his attentions towards protecting those scatterings of hamlets and ranches from Indian marauders, leaving enforcement of the conscription laws strictly alone.

Unfortunately, continuing reversals on the battlefields in Tennessee and Virginia led to a demand for more men to feed into the Confederate Army and a renewed outcry to enforce the conscription laws in the Hill Country. A new decree insisted that the volunteers in the frontier company be mustered into the Confederate Army. Opposed to any such thing, most of those volunteers promptly deserted, and Hunter’s remaining troops turned to hunting them down. A pair of deserters were killed resisting arrest near Grape Creek in Blanco County. Shortly afterwards a relative of one of the men killed the neighbor who was assumed to have informed on them.

Meanwhile, a detachment of state troops went searching for Karl Itz, a survivor of the Nueces massacre thought to be hiding near his family home in the Cherry Spring area. Unable to find him, they seized his two younger brothers and took them to Fredericksburg on the pretext of enlisting them forcibly into the Confederate Army. Instead, the two were murdered by their guards in the middle of Main Street, presumably as a means sending a message to other draft dodgers and deserters. Another running fight between troopers and bushmen left authorities with the impression that the situation was truly getting out of hand. Major Hunter was effectively kicked upstairs and local command given to an excitable and impulsive man named William Banta.

Banta soon exhibited a lamentable tendency to see enemies everywhere, encouraged by the whisperings of pro-Confederate neighbors at his headquarters at White Oak Creek, a little north of present-day Kerrville. He and a local pro-Confederate named James Waldrip were also encouraged in this by the arrival of a small squad of men from William Quantrill’s notorious band. Fresh from assorted partisan atrocities in Kansas, they had come to Texas to purchase horses, cattle and supplies. In short order, Waldrip gathered a band of like-minded partisans together with Quantrill’s men and determined to root out Unionists, deserters, draft-evaders and any whose views of the Confederacy were less than wildly enthusiastic.  They would become known as the hangerbande or “the hanging band.”

Late in February of 1864 a group of about twenty men led by Waldrip burst into the home of Fredericksburg’s public school-teacher, Louis Scheutze, seized him over the protests of his family and carried him away. He was an educated and cultured man, his brother was a music teacher and tutor in Austin, whose pupils included the children of the current and former Governors of Texas, and the home from which he was taken was right in the middle of town. His body was found two days later, hanging from the branch of a tree just outside town. His only offense seems to have been that he was outspoken in criticizing authorities in their investigation into the murders of the Itz brothers and the fight at Grape Creek.

Meanwhile, the excitable Banta became convinced by rumors that deserters and evaders were in open rebellion in the district north of Kerrville. A suspected deserter being escorted to Fredericksburg was simply taken away from the troopers by a large group of men and hanged. Several days after that incident, Waldrips’ hanging-band swept through a cluster of farms and ranches clustered around Grape Creek. One man was shot in the back, and three others taken away without explanation and hanged. There might have been more, but for two children who ran from house to house giving warning. It was never clear why those men were targeted by the hanging band, although later investigation brought forth some ugly suppositions. One man owned a large herd of horses, which went to Quantrill’s purchasing agent and another possessed a large quantity of silver coin … also confiscated by that agent. Shortly afterwards the elderly father and teenaged son of another draft-evader thought to be in the area were flogged and tortured by Banta’s troopers in an effort to make them  reveal his whereabouts. Both the old man and the boy died without revealing anything.

At that point Banta’s superiors had had enough. Banta and five others were arrested and charged with murder and robbery, although they were never actually tried in court. They would have arrested Waldrip and elements of his band, including Quantrill’s agent, but for all of them making themselves scarce; in some cases, all the way to Mexico. The authorities, after reasserting some measure of control, sensibly concluded that after these goings-on there was likely no way to bring local citizens around to support the Confederacy anyway… best leave them to manage their own affairs. Within a year of the Grape Creek outrages the Confederacy had tottered to its’ final ruin.

Two years after the end of the war, J.P Waldrip suddenly appeared in Fredericksburg. No one was ever able to say why; perhaps he thought he would not be recognized, or that the end of the war constituted some kind of amnesty. He was soon recognized, and fled for his life. The son-in-law of Louis Scheutze - the murdered school-teacher - took a shot at him and missed. Waldrip is supposed to have run towards the Nimitz Hotel, perhaps to steal a horse from the stables, or maybe he was making towards the stage stop which used to be at the back of the present-day property. At any rate, he was shot by an unknown assailant and fell dying, underneath an oak tree which still stands on the Nimitz Hotel grounds. The identity of who shot him was supposed to have been a mystery. Local historians suspect that it might have also been one of those things that everyone knew - but preferred to keep their mouth shut about. Waldrip was buried in an unmarked grave on private property – not in the town cemetery. It would be claimed for decades that the hanging band had killed more settlers in the Hill Country during the War than the Indians ever had, before, during or afterwards.

Shortly after the end of the war, the remains of those killed in the Nueces fight were retrieved and brought back to Comfort for a proper burial. A monument was put up over the burial site, with the names of the dead, and the dedication “True to the Union” engraved upon it.


Buy Links: Amazon / Barnes and Noble

The storms of war came upon them ... Loyal to the Union, adamant in their belief that slavery was wrong … Could they survive a brutal war in the dark heart of the Confederacy?

The Sowing is Volume 2 of the Adelsverein Trilogy, following the fortunes of German settlers who came to Texas seeking land and political freedom in the 19th century.

“Vati” Steinmetz and his children have prospered. His older daughter Magda has married Carl Becker, born him children and helped him build a happy life as a rancher in the beautiful valley of the Guadalupe River. Vati’s son-in-law Hansi Richter prospers as a farmer, and his son Johann has returned from years of study in Germany to become a doctor. But his beautiful adopted daughter Rosalie is in love … with a man who intends to serve in the Confederate Army!

Ideals, friendshio and cruel circumstance clash with the coming of civil war to the Hill Countrym bringing Carl Becker and Hansi Rickter into mortal danger from the ‘hanging band’ – a pro-Confederate lynch mob, while Johann and his twin brother Friedrich are drawn into fighting on opposite sides.

Adelsverein: The Sowing continues the epic story of how one family became American, through the brutal tragedy of the Civil War!

Friday, March 30, 2012

Goliad -- The Other Alamo by Celia Hayes

Welcome to History Undressed, guest author Celia Hayes! She's written a fascinating piece for us today on the America frontier. Enjoy!



Goliad – The Other Alamo
by Celia Hayes

At the very beginning, the 1835 revolt of Texian settlers against the authority of Mexico rather resembled the American Revolution, some sixty years before – a likeness not lost on the Anglo-American Texians. Both the Colonies and the Texians were far-distant communities accustomed to manage their own affairs with a bare minimum of interference from a central governing authority. Colonists and Texians began standing on their rights as citizens, but a heavy-handed response provoked a response that spiraled into open revolt. “Since they’re trying to squash us like bugs for being rebellious, we might as give them a real rebellion and put up a fight,” summed up the attitude, in 1776 as well as 1835. 

The Mexican government promptly sent an army to remind the Anglo-Texan settlers of who was really in charge. The rumor that among the baggage carried along in General Martin Cos’ was 800 pairs of iron hobbles, with which to march selected Texas rebels back to Mexico did  win any friends among the Anglo or Hispanic settlers in Texas, nor did the generals’ widely reported remarks that it was time to break up the foreign settlements in Texas. Cos’ army, intended to re-establish and ensure Mexican authority, instead was ignominiously beaten and sent packing late in 1835.


Over the winter of 1835-36 a scratch Texan army of volunteers held two presidios guarding the southern approaches from further invasion, while representatives of the various communities met to sort out what to do next. First, they formed a shaky provisional government, and appointed Sam Houston to command the Army. Then, in scattershot fashion, they appointed three more officers to high command; it would have been farcical, if the consequences hadn’t been so dire. With no clear command, with military companies and commanders pursuing their own various plans and strategies, the Texas settlers and companies of volunteers were unprepared to face the terrible wrath of the Napoleon of the West and President of Mexico, strongman, caudillo and professional soldier, General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna. He did not wait for spring, or the grass to grow tall enough, or the deep mud to dry out: he intended to punish this rebellious province with the utmost severity. Under his personal command, his army reached the Rio Grande at Laredo in mid-February, and laid siege to a tumbledown former mission garrisoned by a scratch force of volunteers . . .  San Antonio de Valero, called simply the Alamo. But this story is about the other presidio, and another garrison of Texans and volunteers; Bahia del Espiritu Santo, or Goliad.

Santa Anna detached General Don Jose Urrea and a force of about a thousand soldiers, a third of them heavy cavalry, to guard his eastern flank along the rivers and lowlands of the Gulf coast….and to mop up the Anglo-Texan garrisons at San Patricio and Goliad. A small force at San Patricio, which had embarked on ill-considered expedition to raid Matamoros was surrounded and wiped out. Then it was the turn of Colonel James Fannin with 500 men holed up at the presidio in Goliad. Those 500 represented the largest body of fighting men among the Texians – and for the moment were still at large. Three couriers arrived from William Barrett Travis’ tiny garrison in the Alamo, begging for help and reinforcements. Fannin was battered from each direction with bad news and the consequences of bad decisions, or even worse, decisions not made until they were forced upon him. He made an abortive attempt to march to San Antonio, to come to Travis’ aid… but turned back after a few miles, assuming that relief of the Alamo was just not possible.
 
In the mean time, spurred by the knowledge that they must either fight, or go under, to death or exile, a new convention of settlers met at Washington-on-the-Brazos, and declared independence on March 2. In short time they had drafted a constitution, elected an interim government, and commissioned Sam Houston as commander of what army was left. Houston went to Gonzalez, intending to rally the settlers’ militia there and lift the siege of the Alamo. He arrived there on the very same day that news came that Santa Anna’s army had finally broken through the walls. Travis’ rag-tag collection of volunteers had held for fourteen days. They had bought time with their blood. Houston sent word to Fannin, ordering him to retreat north. But Fannin had sent out a small force to protect Anglo-Texan settlers in a nearby town, and refused to leave until he heard from them. When he finally decided to fall back, and join up with Houston, it was already too late. Urrea’s column had already made contact. Fannin and his men moved out of Goliad on March 19th, temporarily shielded by fog, but they were caught in the open, a little short of Coleto Creek. They fought in a classic hollow square, three ranks deep for a day and a night, tormented by lack of water, and the cries of the wounded. By daylight the next morning, Urrea had brought up field guns, and raked the square with grapeshot.

Fannin signaled for a parley and surrendered; he and his men believing they would be permitted honorable terms. They were brought back to Goliad and held under guard in the presidio for a week, along with some Texian stragglers who had been rounded up in the neighborhood, and a party of volunteers newly arrived from the States. They were locked up in the small presidio chapel at night; under such tight conditions as they slept standing up, leaning against the stone walls or each other.  Fannin and his men all assumed they would be disarmed, and sent back to the United States. Three English-speaking professional soldiers among Urreas’ officers assumed the same. They were horrified when Santa Anna sent orders that all the prisoners were to be executed. Urrea himself asked for leniency and Colonel Portillo, the commander left in charge of Goliad was personally revolted … but he obeyed orders.

On the morning of Palm Sunday, 1836, those of Fannin’s garrison able to walk -  about three hundred -  were divided into three groups, and marched out of town in three different directions, before being shot down by their guards. Forty wounded were dragged into the courtyard in front of the chapel doors and executed as they lay on the ground. Fannin himself was shot last of all, knowing what had happened to his men. Reportedly he asked only that he not be shot in the face, that his personal belongings be sent to his family, and that he be given decent burial. He was executed at point blank range with a shot in the face, his belongings were looted and his body was dumped into a trench with those of others and burnt, although many were left where they lay. A handful survived by escaping into the brush or jumping into the river. Another handful of prisoners were kept out of the columns; they were concealed in the Presidio by one of Portillo’s officers or rescued by Francita Alavez, the common-law wife of Captain Telesforo Alavez, who would become known as the Angel of Goliad,
 
Santa Anna, who had been thought of as a competent soldier and a more than usually slippery politician, was branded a brute - and as he was decoyed farther and farther into Texas in pursuit of Sam Houston - an overreaching and arrogant fool. A month later, when Houston and finished falling back into East Texas and training all the men who had gathered to him, Houston’s army turned and fought.  Santa Anna’s grand army disintegrated, as Houston’s men shouted “Remember the Alamo!”… and “Remember Goliad!”
 
My own series about the Germans in Texas, the Adelsverein Trilogy, starts with a boy soldier escaping from the massacre, which experience affects him for the rest of his life. It is a curiosity of history that the Alamo is famous, and the Goliad hardly known outside of Texas. Writer John Willingham, who came out with a novel about James Fannin and the Goliad last year, speculates that it might have been because the siege and fall of the Alamo tapped into a kind of ‘heroic last stand of the 300 at Thermopylae’ mind-set, while the massacre of the Texians at Goliad was a sad and squalid exercise in judicial murder.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Celia Hayes lives in San Antonio, Texas and is the author of six novels set on the American frontier: To Truckee's Trail -- an account of the first wagon train to cross the Sierra Nevada, the Adelsverein Trilogy -- which tells the story of the German settlements in the Texas Hill Country, and Daughter of Texas, and Deep in the Heart, a two-part account of a woman's life during the years of the Republic of Texas. Visit Celia at http://www.celiahayes.com

*Pictures were taken on scene by the author.